1 GAP Release February 2000 Programming in GAP 4 The GAP Group Lehrstuhl D für Mathematik RWTH, Aachen, Germany and School of Mathematical and Co...
1 GAP Release December 2008 Extending GAP The GAP Group2 3 Acknowledgement We would like to thank the many people who have made contributions of vario...
1 GAP Release February 2000 Extending GAP The GAP Group Lehrstuhl D für Mathematik RWTH, Aachen, Germany and School of Mathematical and Computati...
1 Bridging the peta- to exa-scale I/O gap Peter Braam 1, Q Copyright 2011, Xyratex International, Inc.2 Dwarfs and offspring under the roofs 2, Q Copy...
1 The Future Path and Consequences of the U.S. Earnings/Education Gap Frank Levy* The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do ...
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1 -Color Display Digital Gap Checker G type. to.5 mm Rated detection distance range (Displayable/Settable range: to ) H type Rated detection distance ...
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1 THE VECTOR CALCULUS GAP: Mathematics Physics Tevian Dray Department of Mathematics, Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR 97331, USA Corinne A. Man...
G gamma-marking (n.) A term used in government-binding theory for a feature [+gamma] which is assigned to empty categories that are properly governed. Empty cateogries that are not properly governed are assigned [–gamma]. gap (n.) (1) A term used in linguistics to refer to the absence of a linguistic unit at a place in a pattern of relationships where one might have been expected; also called an accidental gap or hole in the pattern. The term occurs especially in semantics, where a lexical gap can be illustrated by the absence of a male v. female distinction within the term cousin (cf. brother/sister, uncle/aunt, etc.). An example of a phonological gap would be seen in a language where the phonemic contrasts /p/, /b/ and /t/, /d/ were not matched by a corresponding velar pair, only /k/ being found. A morphological gap can be illustrated by a deverbal noun which does not take the usual -al suffix: *devisal alongside refusal, perusal, proposal, etc. (2) The term is also used in syntax: an example of a syntactic gap would be the underlying direct object position in Who did you invite –?. Gaps are often assumed to contain phonologically empty categories (symbolized as e). A parasitic gap is postulated when the presence of a syntactic gap depends on the prior existence of another gap in the structure of the sentence. See also pattern. gapping (n.) A term proposed in generative grammar to refer to the absence of a repeated verb in clauses which have been conjoined – a ‘gap’ appears in the reduced clause, e.g. she went to London and he to New York. gemination (n.) A term used in phonetics and phonology for a sequence of identical adjacent segments of a sound in a single morpheme, e.g. Italian notte /nÑtte/ (‘night’). Because of the syllable division, a geminate sequence cannot be regarded as simply a ‘long’ consonant, and transcriptional differences usually indicate this, e.g. [-ff-] is geminate, [-fp] is long. The special behaviour of geminates has been a particular focus in some approaches to non-linear phonology, as a part of the discussion of the way in which quantitative phenomena should be represented. Those long segments which cannot be separated by epenthetic vowels (‘true’ geminates, represented with multiple association)
are said to display geminate ‘inseparability’ or ‘integrity’. Those which fail to undergo rules because only one part of the structure satisﬁes the structural description are said to display geminate ‘inalterability’. True geminates are contrasted with ‘fake’ or ‘apparent’ geminates, where identical segments have been made adjacent through morphological concatenation. gender (n.) A grammatical category used for the analysis of word-classes displaying such contrasts as masculine (m, masc, MASC), feminine (f, F, fem, FEM) and neuter (n, neut, NEUT), animate and inanimate, etc. Discussion of this concept in linguistics has generally focused upon the need to distinguish natural gender, where items refer to the sex of real-world entities, and grammatical gender, which has nothing to do with sex, but which has an important role in signalling grammatical relationships between words in a sentence (adjectives agreeing with nouns, etc.). The gender systems of French, German, Latin, etc., are grammatical, as shown by the form of the article (e.g. le v. la) or of the noun (e.g. nouns ending in -a are feminine). Grammatical gender is not a feature of English, though some parts of the language can be analysed in such terms (e.g. the correlation between pronouns, he/she co-occurring with who/whose, etc., whereas it co-occurs with which). English gender contrasts are on the whole natural, viz. he refers to male people, animals, etc. The few cases of other kinds of usage (e.g. a ship being referred to as she) pose interesting problems which have attracted considerable discussion in linguistics. See also animate. genealogical classiﬁcation see genetic classification general (adj.) (1) A commonly used characterization of linguistics, when one wants to emphasize the universal applicability of linguistic theory and method in the study of languages. General linguistics thus includes the theoretical, descriptive and comparative biases of the subject. It is sometimes seen in contrast with those branches of linguistics where there is an interdisciplinary or applied orientation (as in sociolinguistics, applied linguistics). A similar use of the term is in the phrase general grammar found in several early language studies (e.g. the Port Royal grammar), and often used in generative linguistic contexts in the sense of ‘universal grammar’. General phonetics emphasizes the applicability of phonetic methods of analysis to all human speech sounds. General semantics, by contrast, has nothing to do with linguistics in its modern sense, referring to a philosophical movement developed in the 1930s by the American scholar Alfred Korzybski (1879–1950), which aimed to make people aware of the conventional relationship between words and things, as a means of improving systems of communication and clear thinking. (2) A property of those linguistic analyses and descriptive statements which are applicable to a relatively wide range of data in a language, and which are expressed in relatively abstract terms. A statement which can be made only with reference to individual units (e.g. lexical items, sounds, constructions), or to small classes of units, is said to ‘lack generality’. The aim of the linguist is to make generalizations about data which need as few qualiﬁcations as possible (e.g. about exceptions, or restricted contexts of use), and which are meaningful to native-speakers (i.e. they are linguistically significant generalizations). Likewise, linguistic theories should be as general as possible, i.e. aiming to establish
the universal characteristics of human language. Within this broad approach, the term has been given several speciﬁc applications, e.g. in generalized phrasestructure grammar, or in the ‘true generalization condition’ of natural generative phonology – a constraint which insists that all rules should express generalizations about the relationship between all surface-structure forms in the most direct and transparent manner possible. Phonological rules should relate surface forms to each other, rather than to a set of abstract, underlying forms, as is required in traditional generative phonology. (3) In language acquisition, generalization refers to the process whereby children extend their initial use of a linguistic feature to a class of items, as when, having learned to use an -ing ending on a verb, the feature is ‘generally’ applied to the class of verbs. Overgeneralization takes place when the feature is extended beyond its limits in the adult grammar – as when the regular plural ending is applied to irregular forms, e.g. *mouses, *sheeps. General American (GA) A term used for the majority accent of American English which conveys little or no information about the speaker’s regional background. The accent is used, for example, by most radio and television presenters, and is not without some internal variation, but it is thought of as chieﬂy excluding speakers with eastern (New England) or southern backgrounds. It is often referred to as Network English or Network Standard. generalization (n.) see general (2) generalized alignment see alignment generalized binding
generalized phrase-structure grammar (GPSG) A linguistic theory which was developed as an alternative to transformational accounts of language. GPSGs are weakly equivalent to a class of context-free phrase-structure grammars (PSGs). In GPSG, there are no transformations, and the syntactic structure of a sentence is a single phrase-marker. Also, in traditional PSG, category labels (e.g. np, s) have no internal structure, whereas in GPSG a category is a set of feature speciﬁcations (ordered pairs containing a feature and a feature value) which rules can access. Instead of phrase-structure rules, GPSGs employ separate immediate dominance and linear precedence rules. These interact with various general principles, feature co-occurrence restrictions, and feature speciﬁcation defaults to determine what local trees (i.e. trees consisting of a node and its daughter or daughters) are well formed. This approach allows several generalizations to be captured in a way that is not possible with phrase-structure rules. GPSGs also employ metarules, which derive immediate dominance rules from immediate dominance rules. An important offshoot of GPSG is head-driven phrase-structure grammar. A further generalization of this approach has been called generalized generalized phrase-structure grammar (G2PSG), in which the head-feature convention, the foot feature principle, the control agreement principle and the system of feature speciﬁcation defaults are subsumed into a single mechanism – an extension of the feature co-occurrence restriction mechanism of standard GPSG.
generalized quantiﬁer theory In semantics, a generalization of the logical theory of quantifiers beyond the traditional study of universal and existential quantification, applied in the analysis of noun phrases, determiners and other expressions. The theory typically treats noun phrases as denoting sets of sets of individuals, and determiners as denoting relations between sets. generalized transformation A type of transformational rule recognized in early models of generative grammar, where the rule operates with an input of two or more terminal strings. Two subtypes are recognized: conjoining transformations handle co-ordination; embedding transformations handle subordination. general linguistics see linguistics general phonetics see phonetics general pragmatics see pragmatics general semantics see general (1) general stylistics
generative (adj.) (1) A term derived from mathematics, and introduced by Noam Chomsky in his book Syntactic Structures (1957) to refer to the capacity of a grammar to deﬁne (i.e. specify the membership of) the set of grammatical sentences in a language. Technically, a generative grammar is a set of formal rules which projects a ﬁnite set of sentences upon the potentially inﬁnite set of sentences that constitute the language as a whole, and it does this in an explicit manner, assigning to each a set of structural descriptions. Related terms are generate and generation, referring to the process involved, and generativist, referring to the practitioner. Several possible models of generative grammar have been formally investigated, following Chomsky’s initial discussion of three types – finite-state, phrase-structure and transformational grammars. The term has also come to be applied to theories of several different kinds, apart from those developed by Chomsky, such as arc-pair grammar, lexical functional grammar and generalized phrase-structure grammar. There are two main branches of generative linguistics: generative phonology and generative syntax. The term ‘generative semantics’ is also used, but in a different sense (see (2) below). See also Chomskyan, phonotactics. (2) The generative semantics school of thought within generative linguistic theory was propounded by several American linguists (primarily George Lakoff (b. 1941), James McCawley (1938–99), Paul Postal (b. 1936) and John Ross (b. 1938)) in the early 1970s; it views the semantic component of a grammar as being the generative base from which syntactic structure can be derived. One proceeds in an analysis by ﬁrst providing a semantic representation of a sentence, and this single level is all that is needed to specify the conditions which produce well formed surface structures. The subsequent syntactic rules are solely interpretive, and there is no intermediate level. This puts the approach plainly in contrast with the claims of Noam Chomsky and others (in the standard
theory) who argued the need for a level of syntactic deep structure as well as a semantic level of analysis. ‘Generative’ in this phrase has, accordingly, a narrower sense than in ‘generative grammar’ as a whole, as it is speciﬁcally opposed to those models which operate with a different, interpretative view of semantics. The proponents of this approach are known as generative semanticists. generator (n.) (GEN) In optimality theory, a component which creates a (potentially inﬁnite) set of possible linguistic candidates whose faithfulness properties can be considered in relation to a particular input. The generator also encodes the correspondences which exist between input and output representations. See also evaluator. generic (adj./n.) A term used in grammatical and semantic analysis for a lexical stem or proposition which refers to a class of entities. Examples of ‘generic terms’ (or ‘generics’) include the bat is an interesting creature, bats are horrid, the English/French . . . , the poor/rich/good . . . genetic classiﬁcation In historical linguistics, the classiﬁcation of languages according to a hypothesis of common origin; also called genealogical classiﬁcation. Languages which are genetically related have a common ancestor. The terminology of description derives from that of the family tree of human relationships. Non-genetic links between languages can also be established using comparative linguistic techniques. Geneva School (1) In linguistics, the name given to those who have developed the views of Ferdinand de Saussure (see Saussurean), who taught linguistics at the University of Geneva between 1906 and 1911. Scholars such as Charles Bally (1865–1947) have expounded Saussurean theories and applied them to several new areas, e.g. literary language. (2) In language acquisition, the name given to those who have developed the views of the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980). Particular attention has been paid to experimental techniques designed to extend Piaget’s observations on language development in children to a wider range of data and contexts in a wider range of languages. genitive (adj./n.) (gen, GEN) One of the forms taken by a noun phrase (often a single noun or pronoun) in languages which express grammatical relationships by means of inflections. The genitive case (‘the genitive’) typically expresses a possessive relationship (e.g. the boy’s book), or some other similarly ‘close’ connection (e.g. a summer’s day); but there is a great deal of variation between languages in the way this case is used. The term may also apply to constructions formally related to the case form, as in the post-modifying genitive with of in English, e.g. the car of the general (→ The general’s car). In English linguistics, particular attention has been paid to the problems caused by the distribution of the genitive ending, as in a book of my brother’s and the King of England’s hat. See group (2). genre (n.) In sociolinguistics, discourse analysis and stylistics, the generalization of a term well established in artistic and literary criticism for an
identiﬁable category of literary composition (e.g. poetry, detective story). The extended use refers to any formally distinguishable variety that has achieved a level of general recognition, whether in speech or writing, such as commercial advertising, jokes and sermons. A genre imposes several identiﬁable characteristics on a use of language, notably in relation to subject-matter, purpose (e.g. narrative, allegory, satire), textual structure, form of argumentation and level of formality. Subgenres can also be identiﬁed, as with types of novel or types of news story. See also text. geographical dialect see geographical linguistics geographical linguistics The study of languages and dialects in terms of their regional distribution is sometimes collectively referred to by this label, though the terms dialectology and areal linguistics are more commonly used. Geographical dialect is an alternative term for ‘regional dialect’. geolinguistics (n.) A branch of linguistics which studies the geographical distribution of languages throughout the world, with reference to their political, economic and cultural status. More narrowly, the term is used in linguistics for an approach which combines the insights of dialect geography, urban dialectology and human geography in a sociolinguistically informed dialectology. This approach examines in particular the spread of innovations in a geographical area, using the notion of the linguistic variable. geometry (n.) see feature, tone (1), tree gerund, gerundive (n.) see participle gestural phonology A term used in phonetics and phonology for a model of speech production in which the underlying units are represented by classes of functionally equivalent movement patterns (gestures). A particular gesture gradually increases its inﬂuence on the shape of the vocal tract, reaches a peak, then gradually decreases its inﬂuence. segments are modelled as sets of gestures, which have their own intrinsic temporal structure allowing them to overlap in time when executed, the degree of overlap being controlled through their coproduction by an underlying ‘speech plan’. The theory brings linguistic units into a closer connection with the underlying motor processes of speech production, and claims to give a unifying account of apparently unrelated speech processes that would be separated by feature-based phonology, such as coarticulation, allophony, alternations, assimilation and other aspects of connected speech. gesture (n.) (1) A term used in phonology for a matrix of features specifying a particular characteristic of a segment. For example, an ‘oral gesture’ would specify all supraglottal characteristics (such as place and manner of articulation), and a ‘laryngeal gesture’ would specify characteristics of phonation. The notion is particularly used in dependency phonology, where ‘categorial’, ‘articulatory’ and ‘initiatory’ gestures are distinguished. Gestures, in turn, are analysed into subgestures; for example, the initiatory gesture is analysed into the
subgestures of glottal stricture, airstream direction and airstream source. See also articulatory phonology, tier. (2) In gestural phonology, an interval of activation in the stream of speech. Gestures are planned actions, serially ordered, speciﬁed dynamically (e.g. in terms of articulatory force and stiffness), with an intrinsic duration, and context-free. ghost segment In phonology, a segment in a representation which has a phonological effect, but which either never appears in surface structure or surfaces only in restricted contexts; also called a phantom segment. Examples include Polish yers and English epenthetic vowels. given (adj.) A term used by some linguists in a two-part analysis of utterances in terms of information structure; ‘given’ information is opposed to new. (The contrast between focus and presupposition makes an analogous distinction.) ‘Given’ refers to information already supplied by the previous linguistic context whereas ‘new’ information, as its name suggests, has not been previously supplied. Given information will usually be relatively unstressed within the tone unit: e.g. in the sequence A: What are you looking at? B: I’m looking at a book, all but the ﬁnal phrase is given; in A: What are you doing? B: I’m looking at a book, the context shows that only the ﬁrst part of the sentence is given. Complications arise when the new information is prosodically ‘spread’ throughout a tone unit, however, as in your cóusin’s had a bàby, and analyses in these terms are not without controversy. glide (n.) (1) A term used in phonetics to refer to a transitional sound as the vocal organs move towards or away from an articulation (on-glide and off-glide respectively). An example is the [j] glide heard in some pronunciations of words like tune, viz. [tjupn]. (2) Also in phonetics, the term is used for a vowel where there is an audible change in quality. Diphthongs and triphthongs are both types of glide (or gliding vowels). (3) In the study of intonation, the term is sometimes used to describe a tone which involves a change of pitch level. The notion thus includes falling, rising, rising-falling, etc. tones. gliding vowel
see diphthong, glide (2)
global (adj.) A term used in generative linguistic theory in the early 1970s to refer to a type of rule (a global rule) which extends over entire derivations, or parts of derivations, and cannot be satisfactorily stated in terms of transformational operations that deﬁne the conditions of well-formedness on individual phrase-markers or pairs of adjacent phrase-markers in a derivation. Global rules (or ‘global derivational constraints’) thus contrast with phrasestructure and transformational rules, as traditionally understood: they deﬁne the conditions of well-formedness on conﬁgurations of corresponding nodes in non-adjacent phrase-markers. Several topics in phonology, syntax and semantics have been analysed in these terms (e.g. case agreement, contracted forms, placement of contrastive stress).
glossematics (n.) An approach to language developed primarily by Louis Hjelmslev (1899–1965) and associates at the Linguistic Circle of Copenhagen in the mid-1930s (the Copenhagen School). The novel name was a reﬂection of the originality of the school’s intention to develop a theory which would be applicable, not just for language, but for general study of the humanities (‘semiology’, the study of symbolic systems in general; see semiotics). Language, in this view, was seen as one kind of symbolic system, whose special features would be clariﬁed only when it was compared with other, non-linguistic symbolic systems (e.g. logic, dancing). The philosophical and logical basis of glossematic theory, especially as formalized by Hjelmslev in his Prolegomena to a Theory of Language, published in 1943, presenting language as a purely deductive system, is its most distinctive feature. The irreducible and invariant units established by this procedure were called glossemes. Proponents of the theory were glossematicians. glosseme (n.) A term used in glossematics to refer to the abstract minimal invariant forms set up by the theory as the bases of explanation in all areas of linguistic analysis. glossogenetics (n.) A term sometimes used in linguistics to refer to the study of the origins and development of language, both in the child and in the human race. It involves a wide range of contributing sciences, including biology, anthropology, psychology, semiotics, neurology and primatology, as well as linguistics. glossographia (n.) see glossolalia glossolalia (n.) A term used by some linguists to refer to the phenomenon of ‘speaking in tongues’, as practised by members of various religious groups. From a sociolinguistic perspective, glossolalic speech has a unique function, acting as a sign of glossolalist belief or as evidence of conversion, but lacking conventional reference. Its formal linguistic structure is quite unlike that of ordinary languages, being simpler and more repetitive (notwithstanding the claims made that the speaker is articulating a real but unknown language). The written equivalent is glossographia. glottal (adj.) A term in the classiﬁcation of consonant sounds on the basis of place of articulation: it is a sound made in the larynx, due to the closure or narrowing of the glottis, the aperture between the vocal cords. The audible release of a complete closure at the glottis is known as a glottal stop, transcribed [ˆ]. This is often used in English; e.g. it may be heard before a forcefully articulated vowel, as in are you, or between adjacent vowels as in co-operate. In several accents of English (e.g. those inﬂuenced by Cockney) the sound has phonemic status, being used in some positions where received pronunciation has a voiceless plosive ([t] and [k] especially), e.g. bottle /b∞ˆl/ for /b∞tl/. Varying degrees of audible friction may also originate at the glottis, as in whispered speech, or the [h] sound in English. Other glottal effects, due to the mode of vibration of the vocal cords, are an important feature of speech sounds, such as voicing and pitch variation, and breathy and creaky phonation. Glottalization is a general term for any articulation involving a simultaneous glottal constriction, especially a glottal stop. In English, glottal stops are often
used in this way to reinforce a voiceless plosive at the end of a word, as in what? [w∞tˆ]. However, if the opening of the glottis is delayed until after the release of the glottalized sound, a different sound effect is created. Such sounds, made while the glottis is closed, are produced without the direct involvement of air from the lungs. Air is compressed in the mouth or pharynx above the glottal closure, and released while the breath is still held: the resultant sounds produced in this glottalic airstream mechanism are known as ejective sounds. They are also called ‘glottalic’ or glottalized sounds (though the latter term is often restricted to sounds where the glottal feature is a secondary articulation). They are transcribed with a following raised glottal stop sign or apostrophe, as in [p’], [t’], [s’]. In English, such sounds have only stylistic force (as when I think might be said in a clipped precise manner, producing an ejective [k’] in think), but in languages like Quechua and Hausa ejective consonants are used as phonemes. A further category of sounds involving a glottalic airstream mechanism is known as implosive. In Chomsky and Halle’s distinctive feature theory of phonology, glottal constrictions constitute one of the types of sound set up to handle variations in place of articulation (cavity features). Glottal constrictions are formed by narrowing the glottis beyond its neutral position, as in the above sounds. See Chomskyan. glottalic (adj.), glottalize (v.), glottalization (n.)
glottochronology (n.) A term used in linguistics, referring to the quantiﬁcation of the extent to which languages have diverged from a common source. Using a technique known as lexicostatistics, one studies the extent to which the hypothetically related languages share certain basic words (cognates), and deduces from this the distance in time since the languages separated. The theory and methods involved are in limited use, and are highly controversial. glottogram, glottograph(y) (n.) see electroglottograph GLOW The acronym for the organization Generative Linguists of the Old World, established by European linguists in the late 1970s, which meets annually at different university centres. It originally united adherents to the extended standard theory, and is now oriented towards government-binding theory. goal (n.) A term used by some linguists as part of the grammatical analysis of a sentence: it refers to the entity which is affected by the action of the verb, e.g. The cat caught a mouse. Several other terms have been used for this idea, e.g. ‘patient’, ‘recipient’. In localistic theories of meaning, an entity takes a ‘path’ from a ‘source’ to a ‘goal’. In case grammar, it refers to the place to which something moves. See actor–action–goal. God’s truth A phrase coined in the 1950s to characterize one of two extreme states of mind of a hypothetical linguist who sets up a description of linguistic data; opposed to hocus-pocus. A ‘God’s truth’ linguist approaches data with the expectation that the language has a ‘real’ structure which is waiting to be uncovered. The assumption is that, if one’s procedure of analysis is logical
and consistent, the same description would always emerge from the same data, any uncertainty being the result of defective observation or logic on the part of the analyst. In a hocus-pocus approach, by contrast, no such assumption is made. govern (v.) (1) A term used in grammatical analysis to refer to a process of syntactic linkage whereby one word (or word class) requires a speciﬁc morphological form of another word (or class). For example, prepositions in Latin are said to ‘govern’ nouns, making a certain case form obligatory (e.g. ad plus accusative). The notion is, accordingly, not readily applicable to a language like English, where case endings are few – to say that, in the man kicked the ball, kicked ‘governs’ the ball is true only in a loose semantic sense (and, even then, it is debatable whether this is a valid notion of government, when the relationship between other elements is considered: almost any pairs of elements, e.g. the man and kicked, might be said to be displaying government, in this sense). The term is usually contrasted with agreement, where the form taken by one word requires a corresponding form in another. (2) In generative grammar (see Aspects model), a rule is said to be governed or ungoverned depending on whether it does or does not have lexical exceptions. For example, because not all active transitive sentences take the passive (e.g. They have a car, The hat suits you), the passivization rule would be said to be ‘governed’. An example of an ungoverned rule is reflexivization (e.g. I shaved myself, etc.). In later generative grammar, the conditions which determine whether one constituent governs another were made more explicit. When several possible nodes c-command a constituent, the governor is the lowest of these nodes in the tree (i.e. the ‘minimal’ node), as long as there is no intervening noun phrase or S-bar (cf. the conventions of X-bar syntax). For example, in the tree representing looked at John (see ﬁgure), both looked and at c-command John; but only at is said to ‘govern’ John (looked John not being possible), i.e. to be the governing node. Governing nodes are noun, verb, adjective, preposition, tense and possessive. VP V
(3) In relation to government-binding theory, a governing category is the minimal structure (noun phrase or sentence) within which the relationships of binding obtain. X is the governing category for Y, where X is N, V, A, P or AGR, if and only if X and Y are dominated by exactly the same maximal projections (full phrasal categories). When an empty category is governed by a co-indexed category, it is said to be ‘antecedent governed’ (important for the empty category principle).
(4) In dependency grammar, the governor refers to the superordinate node in a dependency tree, which ‘governs’ or ‘controls’ a set of ‘dependent’ nodes. Each combination of governor and dependent deﬁnes a speciﬁc structural relationship. For example, the verb is seen as the governor of the noun phrases occurring in clause structure, and each verb/noun-phrase combination speciﬁes a syntactic relation, e.g. subject, indirect object. In the phrase up the tree, up governs tree, and tree governs the. Because of the possibility of ambiguity with sense (1) above, some linguists use the term ‘controller’ instead of ‘governor’. governee (n.) see government phonology governing category/node
see govern (2)
government (n.) see govern government-binding theory (GB) A model of grammar, a descendent of extended standard theory and ultimately of classical transformational grammar; also called government and binding theory. It assumes that sentences have three main levels of structure: D-structure, S-structure and logical form. S-structure is derived from D-structure, and logical form from S-structure, by a single transformation, move alpha, which essentially means move anything anywhere. Various so-called sub-theories interact with this to allow just the right structures to be generated. The main sub-theories are X-bar theory, theta theory, case theory, binding theory, bounding theory, control theory and government theory. Because of the way these sub-theories interact, GB is commonly described as a ‘modular’ theory. Proponents of GB suggest that essentially the same principles of syntax are operative in all languages, although they can take a slightly different form in different languages. For this reason, GB is often referred to as the ‘principles and parameters’ approach. government phonology A model of non-linear phonology in which the notion of government is central; also called government-based phonology or government and charm phonology. ‘Government’ is here deﬁned in terms of headedness – a binary asymmetric relation holding between two skeletal positions. Certain segments within syllable structure are seen to have governing properties, and are associated to governing skeletal positions. Other segments are governable, and are associated to skeletal positions that are governees. Headedness is seen as local (i.e. between adjacent segments) and directional (headinitial). Syllabic constituents are thus deﬁned as head-initial governing domains. Government across constituent boundaries is called ‘interconstituent government’. Proper government is a stronger form of government which asserts that the governor may not itself be governed, and that the domain of proper government may not include a governing domain. The approach is inﬂuenced by governmentbinding theory, and advocates a constraining of phonology through the use of principles and parameters. government theory One of the (sub-)theories of government-binding theory. Its main principle is the empty category principle, which restricts the positions from which movement can occur by requiring traces to be closely associated with either a lexical category or a co-indexed category.
governor (n.) see govern (2), (3) gradability (n.) A term used in grammar and semantics to refer to an analysis of the sense relationship between lexical items in terms of the possibility of comparison. In semantics, gradable terms are best illustrated by such opposites as big/small, high/low (see antonyms). Ungradable terms can be illustrated by single/married, north/south, etc. In grammar, the term is used to refer to various types of grammatical modification which can be used as criteria for comparative meanings, e.g. a piece/bit/chunk of . . . , a very/slightly/extremely . . . gradable (adj.)
gradation (n.) (1) In grammar, the relationship between the forms of adjectives or adverbs when used in the expression of degrees of comparison. Languages typically express positive, equative, comparative and superlative forms, using morphological (e.g. English -er, -est) or syntactic (e.g. more, most) means. (2) In historical linguistics, the relationship between verb forms based on variations in the root vowel, as in sing, sang, sung; more explicitly called vowel gradation or ablaut. gradience (n.) A term used by some linguists to refer to areas of language where there are no clear boundaries between sets of analytic categories. phonetic continua provide clear examples (such as the set of possible contrasts between falling and rising intonation patterns), but the term is also found in semantics (as in the study of continua, such as colour terms, or gradable antonyms) and in grammar (where the boundaries between word-classes are not clear-cut; e.g. noun-like words such as rich, London, smoking, someone make it difﬁcult to circumscribe the class of nouns). gradient evaluation see evaluator gradient stratiﬁcation
gradual (adj.) A type of opposition recognized by Prague School phonology, distinguished from privative and equipollent. A gradual opposition is one where degrees of difference in a language are recognized along a scale of some kind, as in a language with four front vowels /i/, /e/, /ε/ and /a/ where (according to Nicolai Trubetskoy) it would not be desirable to analyse the four degrees of vowel height in terms of privative pairs, such as ‘high’ v. ‘low’. grammar (n.) A central term in linguistics, but one which covers a wide range of phenomena, being used both in mass noun and count noun senses (as ‘grammar in general’ and ‘a grammar in particular’). Several types of grammar can be distinguished. (1) A descriptive grammar is, in the ﬁrst instance, a systematic description of a language as found in a sample of speech or writing (e.g. in a corpus of material, or as elicited from native-speakers). Depending on one’s theoretical background, it may go beyond this and make statements about the language as a whole, and in so far as these statements are explicit and predictive of the speaker’s
competence the grammar can be said to be ‘descriptively adequate’ and generative. In the older tradition, ‘descriptive’ is in contrast to the prescriptive or normative approach of grammarians who attempted to establish rules for the socially or stylistically correct use of language. Comprehensive descriptions of the syntax and morphology of a language are known as reference grammars or grammatical handbooks (such as those produced this century by the North European grammarians, e.g. the Dane, Otto Jespersen (1860–1943), and more recently by Randolph Quirk et al. (see Quirk grammar)). (2) A theoretical grammar goes beyond the study of individual languages, using linguistic data as a means of developing theoretical insights into the nature of language as such, and into the categories and processes needed for successful linguistic analysis. Such insights include the distinction between ‘deep grammar’ and ‘surface grammar’, the notion of ‘grammatical categories’ and ‘grammatical meaning’, and the study of ‘grammatical relations’ (the relationship between a verb and its dependents, such as ‘subject of’, ‘direct object of’). In so far as grammar concentrates on the study of linguistic forms (their structure, distribution, etc.), it may be referred to as formal grammar (as opposed to ‘notional grammar’); but formal grammar also refers to the use of the formalized techniques of logic and mathematics in the analysis of language. (3) Other general notions include the distinction between diachronic and synchronic grammars, based on whether or not grammars introduce a historical dimension into their analysis. Comparative grammar, which compares the forms of languages (or states of a language), relies on a combination of theoretical and descriptive methods. A pedagogical or teaching grammar is a grammar designed speciﬁcally for the purposes of teaching or learning a (foreign) language, or for developing one’s awareness of the mother-tongue. (4) The phrase traditional grammar is an attempt to summarize the range of attitudes and methods found in the pre-linguistic era of grammatical study. The term traditional, accordingly, is found with reference to many periods, such as the Roman and Greek grammarians, Renaissance grammars, and (especially) the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century school grammars, in Europe and America. It is usually used with a critical (‘non-scientiﬁc’) implication, despite the fact that many antecedents of modern linguistics can be found in early grammars. Criticism is directed primarily at the prescriptive and proscriptive recommendations of authors, as opposed to the descriptive emphasis of linguistic studies. (5) In a restricted sense (the traditional sense in linguistics, and the usual popular interpretation of the term), grammar refers to a level of structural organization which can be studied independently of phonology and semantics, and generally divided into the branches of syntax and morphology. In this sense, grammar is the study of the way words, and their component parts, combine to form sentences. It is to be contrasted with a general conception of the subject, where grammar is seen as the entire system of structural relationships in a language, as in such titles as stratificational grammar, systemic grammar and (especially) generative grammar. Here, ‘grammar’ subsumes phonology and semantics as well as syntax, traditionally regarded as separate linguistic levels. ‘A grammar’, in this sense, is a device for generating a ﬁnite speciﬁcation of the sentences of a language. In so far as a grammar deﬁnes the total set of rules possessed by a speaker, it is a grammar of the speaker’s competence (competence grammar). In so far as a grammar is capable of accounting for only the sentences a speaker has
actually used (as found in a sample of output, or corpus), it is a performance grammar. The study of performance grammars, in a psycholinguistic context, goes beyond this, however, attempting to deﬁne the various psychological, neurological and physiological stages which enter into the production and perception of speech. Investigations which go beyond the study of an individual language, attempting to establish the deﬁning (universal) characteristics of human language in general, have as their goal a universal grammar. Students of grammar are grammarians, and they carry out a grammatical analysis (the term here having no implications of well-formedness, as it has in the notion of grammaticality). When it is necessary to differentiate entities in one’s analysis as belonging to a grammatical level of description as opposed to some other (e.g. semantic, phonological), the term ‘grammatical’ is often used attributively, as in ‘grammatical category’ (e.g. gender, case, voice), ‘grammatical gender’ (as opposed to ‘natural gender’), ‘grammatical formative/item/unit’ (e.g. an inflectional ending), ‘grammatical subject/object . . .’ (as opposed to ‘logical’ or ‘semantic’ subjects/objects . . . ), ‘grammatical word’ (as opposed to lexical word). When a semantic contrast is expressed using grammatical forms, it is said to be grammaticalized (or grammaticized). See also application (2), arc, constituent, core, discourse, fuzzy, general (1). grammar induction see learnability grammatical (adj.) see grammaticality grammatical ambiguity
grammatical category see category grammatical gender see gender grammatical handbook grammatical inference
see grammar (1) see learnability
grammaticality (n.) In linguistics, the conformity of a sentence (or part of a sentence) to the rules deﬁned by a speciﬁc grammar of a language. A preceding asterisk is commonly used to indicate that a sentence is ungrammatical, i.e. incapable of being accounted for by the rules of a grammar. In practice, deciding whether a sentence is grammatical or ungrammatical may cause difﬁculty, e.g. in cases such as The bus he got off was a red one, where native-speakers vary in their judgements. In generative linguistics, the view is taken that a grammar is set up in the ﬁrst instance to draw a dividing line between those sentences which are clearly grammatical and those which are clearly ungrammatical. Once this has been done, the cases of uncertainty can be investigated, and a decision made as to whether they can be incorporated into the grammar as they stand, and without further modiﬁcation being introduced into the grammar. If they can, these sentences are thereby deﬁned as grammatical, i.e. the grammar recognizes them as such. If not, they will be said to be ungrammatical, with reference to that grammar.